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53 Cards in this Set
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Ocean Park Activists
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Group of liberals within Santa Monica whose goal was to give ordinary people more power over their own lives, as well as more power to shape community and business institutions. They advocated grassroots activism at the neighborhood scale and were lead by Tom Hayden who created this "economic democracy."
In 1972, they worked with Ruth Galanter to persuade the coastal commission to veto a plan to build 1400 apartments in Santa Monica. This "set the standard for coastal development up and down the state of California" (Fulton 29). They succeeded because of their broad political agenda based upon social justice and their keen understanding of how to mobilize a constituency politically and how to organize and run campaigns. They started a revolution. "Their rise to power was the first true challenge to the LA growth machine" (Fulton 40). They broke through the electoral wall that LA slow growthers had always run up against. Fulton Ch. 1 The Beachhead |
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The Fall of the Growth Machine and Santa Monica
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Residents should have the power to shape the power of community and business institutions (Ocean Park Activists).
Santa Monica had been subject to the constant building of high-rise apartments which drove up property values. Uniting against this movement, the Ocean Park Activists (Under the direction of Tom Hayden) created a grassroots activists organization. They demanded 100 units on low-cost housing for poor and elderly, along with public parks, restricted building on the coast through the Coastal Initiative and established the Renters' Rights Group to defend the elderly against high rents. Fulton Ch. 1 The Beachhead |
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Ruth Galanter
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Ruth Galanter was a leader of the Ocean Park Activists who worked to persuade the Coastal Commission to veto a plan approved to build 1400 apartments in Santa Monica. She used the coastal initiative (a law discouraging coastal development, to increase public access, and make affordable housing a priority). When this was vetoed, "it set the standard for coastal development up and down the state of California" (Fulton 29).
She was later elected to the city council, where she was heavily involved in the development of the west side through the expansion of discussion on environmental issues (including water supply, energy conservation, consumer recycling and wetlands protection). She helped with the expansion of her own district through the introduction of the first supermarket, restoration of water ways and improving public transportation. Worked alongside Tom Hayden to help orchestrate the activists movement for the Ocean Park movement. In 1987 she defeated pro-growth advocate Pat Russell for LA City Council president. Her victory represents the strength of the emergent slow-growth movement. Fulton Ch. 1 The Beachhead |
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Tom Hayden
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Tom Hayden arrived in Venice in 1970 after a long liberal anti-Vietnam war movement and wanted to hide out and regroup. He married Jane Fonda in 1973 and bought a home in Ocean Park--"a beachhead of liberalism on an increasingly conservative continent."
He oversaw the creation of the Ocean Park community center and other initiatives to revitalize Santa Monica. He was a leader of the Ocean Park Activists and founded what has come to be known as "economic democracy." In 1976 he ran for Democratic Nomination for the State Senate and lost against John Tunney (a member of the growth machine), but inspired many of the local Ocean Park Activists to return to politics. Fulton Ch. 1 The Beachhead |
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Tom Bradley
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The first African American mayor of LA (1973-1993) who won based upon a coalition of Black and Jewish voters.
He promoted LA as a "world-class city"--"a center of commerce and culture equal to Tokyo, NY, Paris, or London" (Fulton 43). In the 1970's, he was concerned with a liberal social agenda. In the 1980's he was focused on this "world class city" and created strong relationships with real estate developers. This "world class city" was realized after the 1984 Olympics. Fulton strives to demonstrate how the political system coordinated with land speculators in order to bring wealth to the city. Politics were driven by real estate development. "Bradley had been slow to respond to the slow-growth trend," but hired Mike Gage as his chief deputy to help him turn this around. Fulton Chapter 2 Perestroika Co-opted |
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Democratic Developer Iron Triangle
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The idea that power in LA city politics revolves largely around an iron triangle on nonpartisan politicans, developer/contributors, and the Democratic Party.
Labor Unions, though weak in LA, were important in the triangle because they wanted sympathetic Democrats in office and a booming development business to provide jobs for their members. Resulted in all of LA's politicians finding themselves closely tied to the growth machine Fulton Chapter 2 Perestroika Co-opted |
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The Slow Growth Movement
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In "Homegrown Revolution," Mike Davis asserts that the slow growth movement in Southern California historically sought to protect affluent white residents from racial and economic heterogeneity.
Slow growth activists attempted to halt the large scale growth and industrialization of Los Angeles growth machine, by taking growth "off the table" in city politics. According to Fulton, slow-growth activism had potential to become a true social justice movement, but it was "co-opted" by Angelinos' seeming apathy towards anything that was not directly related to their own home value. It reflects the way in which real estate development is connected to LA politics--the interconnection that prevents any change from taking place within the growth machine. Slow growthers have difficulty in halting growth machine due to this reason. Fulton Chapter 2 Perestroika Co-opted Davis "Homegrown Revolution" |
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NIMBY
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“Not in my Backyard”—mindset help by the Hillside Federation (represented "structured opposition to the Democratic developer iron triangle") and suburban homeowners (fifty member homeowner associations). Mike Davis called this "middle-class LA's obsession with "homestead exclusivism."
Originally referred when suburbanites opposed the building of the Santa Monica freeway in 1966. It reflects the suburban attitude towards new development, as long as this growth does not reach this community Fulton Chapter 2 Perestroika Co-opted |
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The Centers Concept
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(1970s) Headed by planning director Calvin Hamilton, the centers concept called for concentration high-density commercial and apartment development in 35 centers around the city to be linked by mass transit. This opposed the "growth machine," and thus contributed to the slow growth movement.
Hamilton was the first city planning director to actively solicit citizen participation. The Hillside Federation supported this plan, but the Democratic developer structure hated it because it "reduced the opportunity for profits in areas of low density where land was relatively cheap." This was never realized—another failed attempt to put a stop to the growth machine. At least the center’s concept remains a plan as a powerful reminder as which the slow growth movement could have altered the change. Hamilton was asked to step down as city planner. Fulton Chapter 2 Perestroika Co-opted |
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Residential Segregation
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Different methods used by urban planners, builders, architects, and homeowners’ associations to create suburban and urban communities consisting of racial and class homogeneity. At times violence and terror were used to keep minorities out of certain residential communities
Example: West Hills-connected to Canoga Park. At first, they were one community, but the home values were $400,000 in West Hills and only $200,000 in Canoga Park. Homeowners' associations in West Hills put pressure on city council members to establish a separate residential area in order to support the interests of homeowners and their higher property values. This is a class interest--West Hills residents believe their property values will decrease if their neighborhood is associated with Canoga Park. Linked to the idea of "white supremacy." Created 2 distinct communities, separated residents racially and by class. Shows insistence of homeowners associations to maintain racial and economic homogeneity. Exposes the limits of Fulton's analysis (he doesn't interrogate this aspect). Led these homeowners associations to build a "white wall" around these communities. Davis' Homegrown Revolution |
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The Anti-African Housing Association
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Established in 1922. Fought to exclude non-whites from purchasing homes between Budlong Avenue and Vermont Avenue.
It was established in response to ONE single Black family's attempt to enter the white neighborhood. And hoped to put a stop to “negro invasion.” Another example: Huntington Park Association Davis' Homegrown Revolution |
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The White Wall
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The "White Wall" was the use of restrictive covenants and zoning laws to keep minorities on Central Avenue. It consisted of agreements between buyers and sellers that restricted the buying of property to the dominant culture, and included the exclusion of all "non-Caucasians" and some "non-Christians" to becoming anything but domestic servants. It was instrumental in defining and insulating the middle class white world, primarily on the West-side. In effect, it built a white wall around minority residents.
95% of the city's housing stock in the 1920s was put off limits to blacks and Asians. In 1947, LA Superior Court found Blacks, Filipinos, and Native Americans in contempt for occupying homes within restricted areas Davis' Homegrown Revolution |
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Proposition U
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this was announced in 1986 by council member Zev Yaroslavsky to forward his slow-growth political agenda. It reduced developable commercial density in the city by half and imposed a ten point growth management plan and was supposed to be a solution to homeowner's unrest. It attacked "greedy developers." When it passed, it was said to be the start of the slow-growth movement.
"Proposition U, Yaroslavsky promised, would ensure "no lobbyists, no compromises, no backroom deals." (Fulton 52). Fulton Chapter 2 Perestroika Co-opted |
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The Failure of Homeowner Activism
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homeowner activism was a part of the slow-growth movement that sprouted in response to the land developers and their growth machine plans. Fulton stated that the passing of Prop. U and Prop. A both aided the slow growth movement at some point.
Homeowner's Associations were also a large part of racial covenants, keeping minorities restricted to specified residential areas. Another homeowner activism example was in Ocean Park, but Fulton said this movement was never able to become a true revolution because they could not overcome the power of the land development industry. The four factors that contributed to the end of the slow growth movement were (according to Fulton): 1. Questions about Bradley's business dealings 2. Rejection of Hamilton's Centers Concept 3. Unwillingness to enforce Proposition U 4. Growth Machine's ability to buy off homeowners Fulton Chapter 2 Perestroika Co-opted |
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Civil Rights Act of 1964
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-Passed by President Lyndon B. Johnson
-The Act required equal employment opportunities, made racial discrimination in public places illegal, prohibited segregation in public schools, eliminated federal funds for projects that abided by discriminatory practices -Force integration and fair and equal opportunities for racial minorities in this country -Voters Right Act – the following years - Ended use of literacy test as a way to franchise blacks and other minority groups -Appears that everything is getting better -CA chose to respond to these initiatives by ignoring these federal laws Widener, Daniel. “Writing Watts: Budd Schulberg, Black Poverty, and the Cultural War on Poverty” |
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Proposition 14
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-CA proposition which blocked the fair housing component of the Civil Rights Act, allowed home ownership sales to be based upon race. Gave rise to riots in 1965.
- 1964 ballot proposition; declared unconstitutional 1966 - Rumsfield Fair Housing Act -Ended any kind of restriction on the sale of homes on the restriction of race -These really were to exacerbate the social tensions in LA due to the feeling of injustice that African Americans already felt -This is part of what gives rise to this first violent eruption in Watts – civil unrest Widener, Daniel. “Writing Watts: Budd Schulberg, Black Poverty, and the Cultural War on Poverty” |
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Ruth Yannatta Goldway and the Renters' Rights Group
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Renters' Rights group is a nonpartisan political activist group in Santa Monica. They joined the Ocean Park Activists to pass the strictest rent control in the country.
They were a highly organized political group, and were able to get their members elected to city council seats. In doing so, they were able to take over these positions from the former members of the Growth Machine (their main agenda: control growth machine--> control growth). Ruth Yannatta-Goldway ran for Democratic nomination of state senate in 1977 but lost. However this was a turning point for eh Ocean Park Activists because 1) it gave them momentum independent of Tom Hayden and 2) the campaign helped develop skills and experience to run political campaigns with more sophisticated methods. She promoted low cost housing and a commitment to defending rent control laws. She took action by putting rent control in the ballad, which passed in 1979. Fulton Ch 2 Perestroika Co-Opted |
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Life in Watts in the 1960's
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Five Conditions of Life for the residents of Watts in 1966:
1.Between 1963-1965 All of the residents of Watts seemed to have known someone who was killed by the police. Police Brutality. 2. Chief Parker was the current Police Chief at the time. All residents hated him. (Racial animosity and hatred towards blacks) 3. Residents of watts did not have enough water in their homes to flush the toilets. 4. Not enough water pressure to put out fire in the houses. 5. 60 Blacks were killed by the police and 25 of them were unarmed. -All of those killings were deemed as justifiable by the police. -Its within this context that we see the riots begin to erupt. -Slum conditions Economically disadvantaged conditions -Life in Watts during the 1960s was filled with racial tensions. Watts was primarily a poor minority community that suffered from racial profiling by the police along with sub standard living conditions. These tensions sparked the 1965 Watts Riots that caused wide spread damage and negative con- sequences and images towards the communities that were under discrimination and attack. Widener, Daniel. “Writing Watts: Budd Schulberg, Black Poverty, and the Cultural War on Poverty” |
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Deindustrialization
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- Jobs and factories in LA relocated to other suburban areas or overseas, and the city began to lose its
industrial presence. Deindustrialization makes it harder for the working class Blacks and Latinos to find jobs, especially in Los Angeles. - Lack of decent employment has led to the increase in youth crime, gang involvement, and drug deal- ing -This is a reference to a major phase of deindustrialization that was occurring in LA that resulted in 70,000 workers being laid off in South LA between 1978 and 1982, heavily impacting the black community. Unemployment at the expense of base closures and plant relocations has been linked, among other factors, to persistent juvenile delinquency that has led to gang development. |
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The Watts Riots of 1965
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During the Watts Riots of 1965, there were six days of rioiting that took place in the Watts neighborhood in Los Angeles. The Six days of rioting in the Watts Neighborhood in LA brought to light the history of police brutality, unfair job, housing and educational opportunities that blacks faced.
• California highway patrol officer pulls over black man Marquette Frye for drunk driving, reckless driving. Frye found to be drunk, arrested. Ronald runs home to tell mom and neighborhood what happened. 300 people came to see what happened, Frye’s mother was injured, and Frye was brutally arrested. Observing the brutal arrest of Frye, Frye’s family became hostile toward police, social impact of this arrest was exacerbated by a number of rumors around circles and rumors in the area Rumors circulated that fry was sober and that the police arrested him unlawfully, rumor that the woman hit was pregnant. • Rumors came to a boiling of social angst and tension that had been occurring for decades Violence continued that evening. Social workers, peaceful groups came to watts to tell the people to settle down. Dr. Martin Luther King comes to watts, and urges the rioters to love their enemies, and in response to his words, the people mocked Dr. King. The residents of watts had nothing to lose, they didn’t have good homes or jobs. The only thing they saw fit was to burn the city. Watts clearly was a battleground lost – Martin Luther King Spread into neighboring areas of southeast Los Angeles. Thousands of national guard infantry were sent in to end the riots. 34 people killed, 1000 wounded, 40 million dollars in property damage. • Watts rebellion did not improve the lives of residents living in these communities. Median household income from 2009- 26,000, average education- 69% or less have high school diploma. Riots led to image of watts as a place to be avoided. Major damage to 103rd street. Widener, Daniel. “Writing Watts: Budd Schulberg, Black Poverty, and the Cultural War on Poverty” |
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Budd Schulberg and The Watts Writers Workshop
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Budd Schulberg: Academy Award winning screenwriter who started creative writing classes in Watts in September of 1965. The classes of the Watts Writers Workshop serviced members of the Watts community and led to a cultural revolution. Many Blacks in the area used the practice of writing as an outlet in the wake of the devastation of the Riots.
In 1973, Schulberg’s Writers Workshop was burned to the ground, but it stood as a community building program that was successful. “I wanted to help in a small way” He used writing as a vehicle for social transformation, as a nonviolent alternative for the frustrated youth. It showed the strength of education as a vital component of urban reform. Literary works produced achieved large degree of notoriety, and it is credited with being the most impressive cultural effort mounted in Watts after the riots. It showed the cultural revolution taking place in the community. Difficulties that Plagued the Workshop: -Financial Problems: Schulberg was using his own money. -Black nationalists were against integration into society, so by 1968 few community artists were continuing the nationalist message. -Schulberg left for NY and the new leader wasn't able to sustain the program -Internal conflict: 13 members left because they felt they were being censored/exploited Widener, Daniel. “Writing Watts: Budd Schulberg, Black Poverty, and the Cultural War on Poverty” |
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The Watts Coffee House
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In 1966, the Schulberg Writer's Workshop moved to the Watts Coffee House on 103rd Street.
The Watts Coffee House was a center of culture during the Watts resistance. It offered jazz, poetry, theatre and art workshops to deal with sentiments after the riots and to sympathize with Black Nationalist ideals. It served as a model of reconciliation within the city of LA. Widener, Daniel. “Writing Watts: Budd Schulberg, Black Poverty, and the Cultural War on Poverty” |
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Studio Watts
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Center of culture co-founded by poet and Watts resident Jayne Cortez in 1965.
It was publicly funded, offered acting, art, music, and poetry workshops in Watts. Was similar to the Watts Coffee House as a center for diffusing sentiments, and featured artists who were sympathetic to black nationalist ideals. Widener, Daniel. “Writing Watts: Budd Schulberg, Black Poverty, and the Cultural War on Poverty” |
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The Watts Towers
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Art center composed of materials from the Watts community. As a result, an art center was built near the Watts towers to inspire art made from local assemblages. It reinforces the authors observation that there was a cultural awareness existing in the community. It was Designed by Sabato "Simon" Rodia in 1921, finished in 1954.
Widener, Daniel. “Writing Watts: Budd Schulberg, Black Poverty, and the Cultural War on Poverty” |
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Civil Unrest of 1992
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Tension between Mexicans, Blacks, and Koreans. Police beating of Rodney King and 13 policemen acquitted by a white jury, ignited civil unrest. Miscarriage of injustice causes the city to erupt.
Fulton, William. The Reluctant Metropolis Ch. 11 Whose Riot Was This, Anyway? |
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Three Kinds of Riots
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1. Political:
Occurred between 3:16 and 5 PM in downtown LA at the police headquarters. Series of political protesters that went to headquarters to protest police brutality. Were protesting the verdict and set fire to the Parker police center 2. Racial: Occurred between 6:30 and 7:00 PM. Truck driver Reginald Denny was pulled out of his truck for being white and for driving in a black neighborhood. Was beaten. Four African-American pastors and businessmen pulled Reginald out of the attack. Economic 3. "Bread Riot"/Economic: Took place all over the city. Residents protested economic hardship, unemployment, and poverty caused by the loss of jobs through corporate restructuring Fulton, William. The Reluctant Metropolis Ch. 11 Whose Riot Was This, Anyway? |
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Rebuild L.A.
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Non-profit corporation. Community-wide effort to restore the health and vitality of Los Angeles after the 1992 Riots (Vermont Avenue); Led by Peter Ueberroth
At the time the LA economy was sliding. Manufacturing and aerospace jobs were disappearing. Unemployment and homelessness were on the rise. As rebuilding started the federal government pumped in hundreds of millions of dollars in loans. Civic leaders launched Rebuild LA, or RLA, to try to attract investment. Its then president, venture capitalist Peter Ueberroth, offered a rosy projection: he insisted that it would simply "put the arm on private corporations to invest in business growth in South Central" (Fulton 293). However, "Ueberroth and Bradley were "ill-equipped to handle the political bonfire that the riots had ignited" (Fulton 292). Black political groups began demanding control (they assumed it would be a rich and powerful organization dispensing money, but it was really promoting investment). Due to a conflict of interest with Korean, Black, and Latino residents, the organization ended up being led by a multi-racial committee that failed to agree and, as a result, was unsuccessful. This led to the Community Redevelopment Agency (CRA) swooping in and taking advantage of the RLA's failure. Fulton, William. The Reluctant Metropolis Ch. 11 Whose Riot Was This, Anyway? |
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The Community Redevelopment Agency
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Urban renewal agency that used federal funds to clear out inner city slums and replace with new structures, usually housing projects. Led by Mayor Bradley. Saw the failure of the Rebuild LA project as an opportunity. It was originally federally funded, but was later financed by state law tax revenues. It focused most of its attention on rebuilding downtown, however, it also supported "affordable housing" in South Central.
Example: Broadway/Manchester Recovery Redevelopment Project (84th Place and 102nd St) Fulton, William. The Reluctant Metropolis Ch. 11 Whose Riot Was This, Anyway? |
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Housing Department/ Mixed Use Idea
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Directed by Gary Squier. Promoted the "mixed use development" idea in South Central on Vermont Ave, which would have led to the construction of a combination of stores and affordable housing projects in the area. Wanted 14,000 low-income housing projects built every year to meet demand for housing and stop overcrowding. Housing surrounded by commercial centers. Local homeowners were opposed, only wanted commercial centers with no housing projects.
Fulton, William. The Reluctant Metropolis Ch. 11 Whose Riot Was This, Anyway? |
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Vermont Knolls/Vermont Manchester Vicinity Improvement Association and Maxine Waters
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Vermont Knolls: Neighborhood originally created by owner of Pepperdine--nice, mostly single-family homes that was adjacent to an empty lot soon to be used by the Vermont Manchester Vicinity Improvement Association as a contest to create 130 affordable housing units and retail shops along Vermont. "We want to show that affordable housing and potential mixed-use projects like this can enhance and strengthen neighborhoods" (Fulton 301).
Vermont Manchester Vicinity Improvement Association: Organized group that represented the homeowners of Vermont Knolls. Opposed the building of low income housing by the CRA and the Housing Department. Wanted to revive Vermont Ave as a shopping street. Aided by congresswoman Maxine Waters and former mayor Richard Riordan, 1993. Maxine Waters: US Representative for the 35th district of California, was the most powerful African American politician in LA after Bradley stepped down as mayor. She "championed the rights of minority groups in general and African Americans in particular" (Fulton 303). She lived in the Vermont Knolls neighborhood and was a strong supporter of the Vermont Manchester Vicinity Improvement Association. Fulton’s claim: South Central can’t be brought back until everyone lays some kind of claim to it. Fate of these neighborhoods connected to fate of our own. Fulton, William. The Reluctant Metropolis Ch. 11 Whose Riot Was This, Anyway? |
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Richard Riordan
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Former mayor, 1993. Worked with congresswoman Maxine Waters. Opposed building of low-income housing. Worked with Vermont Knolls/Vermont Manchester Vicinity Improvement Association. Succeeded Mayor Tom Bradley (See Slow Growth Movement Lecture)
White lawyer and businessman with long-established connections to the downtown power structure. Worked hard to build bridges to South Central even before he ran for mayor. (Invested his own money in a South Central supermarket, for example). His election one year after the riots was widely viewed as having been induced by racial fears. Supported the Vermont Manchester plan, and thus allied with Maxine Waters. Fulton, William. The Reluctant Metropolis Ch. 11 Whose Riot Was This, Anyway? |
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Gang Paranoia and Demonology
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According to Mike Davis, gang paranoia and demonology have led to the perception of gang members as "urban terrorists," and prompted the LAPD to enforce curfews and perform institutionalized sweeps and raids that were unconstitutional. One such gang injunction was Operation Hammer in 1988. The newspapers depicted the gangs as violent and reported that they had committed crimes that they hadn’t even committed, so they became increasingly violent to match this public perception
Davis Ch. 5 The Hammer and the Rock |
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Westwood Village Shooting
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Young woman shot mistakenly by street gang gunfire in upscale Westwood neighborhood in 1987. In response to this, Chief Daryl Gates launched GRATS (Gang Related Active Trafficker Suppression)
"Westwood shooting ignited the simmering resentment of Black community leaders, who blasted Yaroslavsky, Bradley, and the LAPD for failing to respond comparably to the mayhem in their neighborhoods" (Davis 271). Davis Ch. 5 The Hammer and the Rock |
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Chief Daryl Gates
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LAPD chief from 1978 – 1992. Practiced aggressive police tactics; anti-gang sweeps such as GRATS and Operation Hammer. "Chief Gates was only emboldened to taunt the black community with increasingly contemptuous or absurd excuses for police brutality" (Davis 272). Aggressive policing tactics.
"This is war...we're exceedingly angry...we want to get the message out to the cowards out there, and that's what they are, rotten little cowards--we want to get the message out that we're going to come and get them...This is Vietnam here." (Davis 268). Davis Ch. 5 The Hammer and the Rock |
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GRATS (Gang Related Active Trafficker Suppression)
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launched by Police Chief Darryl Gates, in response to Westwood Shooting of 1987. "Targeted 'drug neighborhoods' for raids by 200-300 police under orders to 'stop and interrogate anyone they suspect is a gang member'" (272), (based upon race, clothing, and use of hand symbols). In the middle of Gates' speech, touting his success of GRATS, a 19 year old was gunned down by Crips, which led to a blow of Gates' ego and the creation of Operation Hammer.
Davis Ch. 5 The Hammer and the Rock |
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Operation Hammer
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1988 initiated by Chief Police Daryl Gates due to increasing gang violence and killing of a 19 year old after the supposed "success" of GRATS. It was "billed as L.A. law enforcement's 'D-Day'" (Davis 274). Any suspected gang members were arrested. Numerous arrests were made for traffic violations, curfew violations and other gang-related behaviors. But the vast majority of those arrested were not gang members.
State Senator Diane Watson's press secretary said, "when you have a state of war, civil rights are suspend for the duration of the conflict" (Davis 274). LAPD were therefore maligned with accusations of racism which they heavily employed racial profiling, targeting African-American and Hispanic youths. They "exceed[ed] the call of duty" (274). Ultimately, Operation Hammer was a failure. The principal arrests consisted of drunks, delinquent motorists, and teenage curfew violations. It was unconstitutional. Davis Ch. 5 The Hammer and the Rock |
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James Hahn and STEP (Street Terrorism Enforcement and Prevention Act of 1988)
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James: 40th Mayor from 2001 to 2005. Used his father's clout to win the city attorneyship in a bloody battle. Ambitious, young democrat trying to turn the "law and order tables on older republicans" (like Chief Gates) "by being an even tougher cop in the courtroom" (Davis 278). Established STEP to get rid of gang activities.
STEP: a piece of anti-gang legislation passed in 1988 in the wake of rampant gang-related violence in the Los Angeles. Made membership in a 'criminal gang' a felony. Law allows prosecution of any person who actively participates in a criminal street gang with knowledge that its members have engaged in a pattern of criminal gang activity and who willfully promotes or assists any felonious conduct by members of that gang. Provided prosecution of parents as well as kids (Bad Parent Provision) Davis Ch. 5 The Hammer and the Rock |
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Crack Cocaine and The Black-Lash
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There was a huge epidemic starting in the mid 80's. This lead to a rise in crime. Then there were conspiracies that the CIA was allowing the crack cocaine trafficking to go on to profit off of it. This lead to more distrust between the people and the government and people and journalism. Lastly, minorities and lower class people, especially the African American population were hurt by it.
Black Lash: Black middle class residents endorsed the aggressive police tactics and became ready to lash against youth gangs (Intra-racial conflict). Davis Ch. 5 The Hammer and the Rock |
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Early History of Gang Subculture in L.A.
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Emerged in school and street turfs as a response to anglo violence in the 1940's and 50's. They adopted the ideas of the black panther nationalist movement and become politicalized. Gangs were the 'bastard offspring' of the political parties of the 60's. They were
created to combat the racist police that was prevalent all up into the 90's. The gangs defended their own turf and eventually split into the bloods and crips in the 1970's. Davis Ch. 5 The Hammer and the Rock |
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Crips and Bloods
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The Crips were founded by a high school student, named Raymond Washington. He started the
group because he was unable to join the Black Panthers. CRIPS stood for Continuous Revolution in Progress. CRIP sets were found all across South Central between 1970 and 1972. They were dominating the neighborhood and escalated in intercommunity violence. The Bloods were a form of reaction to the Crips. They were a collection of gangs found in areas like Pacoma, Pasadena, and Compton. Davis Ch. 5 The Hammer and the Rock |
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Cars and The Emergence of Freeways in L.A.
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Cars were seen as a marker of social status for native middle class Angelinos. The idea that L.A.
would have an urban center was destroyed with the emergence of the car. Freeway building soon covered vast landscapes and was a source of pollution and environmental racism, as lower class communities were forced with having to live in freeway dense areas. “Permanent feature of the landscape and culture of LA.” Gottlieb Chapter 5 cars and freeways in the city |
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Lloyd Aldrich
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Lloyd was a city engineer who created the L.A. freeway plan of 1939. He focused on the
Hollywood Freeway and included in his plans, a toll feature, parallel rail lines, parkway medians that could link transit with the automobile. Parkway:Aesthetic appeal, visual experience. Designed to be a roadway within a park or visually appealing space within nature. Supposed to give driver view of nature you wouldn’t normally see with walking. First originated in 1877 as part of report of NY City Center-Prospect park in Brooklyn. Was thinking about providing leisurely, pleasurable driving spaces within the city of NY, in addition to being efficient mode of transportation. Gottlieb Chapter 5 cars and freeways in the city |
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The Federal Highway Act of 1956
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Act signed by President Dwight D. Eisenhower. He considered it important to "protect the vital interest of every citizen in a safe and adequate highway system."Federal Legislation passed under President Eisenhower that allocated $333 Billion for the construction of highways. California received $310 million for massive expansion of state freeway construction. Led to the dislocation of residents from low income neighborhoods. LA Started increasing building of freeways as result of this act. Promote construction of urban freeways as solution to congestion. LA lined up to access funds, as did other cities, and as a result LA became a “mini freeway nation” (194)
CA drafted plans to build as much as 12,000 freeway miles. Between 1942 and 1965, 15% of neighborhoods in Boyle Heights destroyed as result of freeway construction. “Freeway construction gives rise to a series of urban ills” Instead of reinforcing pleasurable experience with nature, led to rapid deterioration of these communities. “Most gigantic federal undertaking” that would “change the face of America” (193). Increased freeway use led to large amounts of air pollution and smog (Tailpipe emissions, etc.) Gottlieb Chapter 5 cars and freeways in the city |
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The Clean Air Act of 1963
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-Air pollution linked to cars and freeways
-Minorities, primarily Latinos are disproportionately exposed to toxic emissions Clean Air Act of 1963: The federal law designed to make sure that all Americans have air that is safe to breath. Properly Amended in 1970--significant intervention. Whether it was properly enforced is in question. Gave rise to continued opposition to freeway construction, and also renewed interest to mass public transportation. Gottlieb Chapter 5 cars and freeways in the city |
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“Chavez Ravine: A Los Angeles Story”
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Chavez Ravine: (1940s, 50s, and 60s):
Elysian Park Heights Housing Projects: designed to replace the old houses with better and new buildings Frank Wilkinson: The person who was supposed to handle the project Dodger Stadium as an example of environmental racism: Capitalist saw it as a land of opportunity to make money, so accused Wilkinson of communism. They built the Dodger stadium on the land instead. The original residents were forced out of their homes and couldn't come back. |
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Elysian Park
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Elysian Park was the public housing project that was initially meant to take the place of the Chicano communities in Chavez Ravine. The project was funded by federal money from the National Housing act of 1949. Chavez Ravine residents were forced to sell their homes to the city but were guaranteed a place in the housing project. The project was intended to not only accommodate LA’s growing
 population but also benefit the community as plans included playgrounds, schools, etc. But the project never even reached construction. Plans halted in 1953 when Norris Paulson became mayor and the project was accused as being the product of a socialist scheme. The City of LA then took control of the land and decided to build Dodger Stadium. |
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Frank Wilkinson
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Frank Wilkinson was a member of the Housing Authority of the City of LA in the early 1950’s. Wilkinson had a large role in the development of the Elysian Park Heights Housing Project. Wilkinson faced accusations of being a communist and refused to answer questions regarding such accusations citing the First Amendment. He was fired from the project and accused and convicted of “un-American activity”. The housing project came to a halt after Wilkinson was fired and the project was accused of being part of socialist schemes, allowing the city to take control and build Dodger Stadium.
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The Fortress Effect
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The Fortress Effect is a classist and in some ways a racist architectural initiative. Davis calls it "a deliberate socio-spacial strategy...urbanity of its future" (229). The goals of this strategy are to raze all association with Downtown's past and to prevent any articulation with the non-Anglo urbanity of its future" (229). Using the fortress effect, Los Angeles was able to keep different minorities even more separated from the wealthier communities in the city.
An example of this would be the redevelopment of Bunker Hill and the removal of the Angels' Flight Railroad. A direct effect of the Fortress Effect was Spatial Apartheid. This purposely prevented certain racial and economic groups from mixing in certain locations and kept poverty in Downtown L.A. instead of nearer to the wealthier communities. This completely opposed the 'Olmstedian vision' because it didn't want the mixture of minorities or different social classes, but rather different areas where each group could live within itself. Davis Ch 4. Fortress LA |
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Bunker Hill
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This is an area in Downtown L.A. between 1st Street, Hill Street, 5th Street, and Figueroa Street. Because of the Fortress Effect, it was rebuilt with complexes and shopping centers, which destroyed the previous structures in that area and removed the homeless and low-income residents who used to live there.
Davis Ch 4. Fortress LA |
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Spatial Apartheid
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The method used by various redevelopment agencies and urban planners in LA in order to deliberately and permanently prevent certain racial and economic groups from mixing within a given area. It is a direct result of the fortress effect.
An example is the CA Plaza Watercourt which separates luxury from poverty in downtown LA. Its the use of architectural ramparts, sophisticated security systems, private security and police to achieve a recolonization of urban areas via walled enclaves with controlled access. “The goals of this strategy may be summarized as a double repression: to raze all association with Downtown’s past and to prevent any articulation with the non-Anglo urbanity of its future” (229). “a brutal architectural edge” (230) that “massively reproduced spatial apartheid” (230). Different from Fortress effect in that it doesn't always erase historical memory of the space, but similar to Fortress effect in its segregation of space. Davis Ch 4 Fortress LA |
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Alexander Haagen
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1920-2011
First Major developer to take advantage of the inner city retail market He built security Oriented malls that essentially took away the freedoms of the lower classes He supported the erection of fortress-like centers with security oriented shopping centers and housing projects Worked as a developer for the USC Coliseum Davis Ch. 4 Fortress LA |
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Unlivable Public Spaces
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This is an effort on the city of Los Angeles’s part to try to keep the poor and needy from being able to
live in public spaces. This involves designing deterrents, which ensure that the public landscape is hostile to the homeless and the poor Examples: bum-proof benches, outdoor sprinklers, few public lavatories, trash cages and micro parks. The idea was that the presence of homelessness would dampen the image of downtown. This gave rise to the policy of containment. Davis Ch 4 Fortress LA |
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Frederick Law Olmsted/ The Death of the Olmstedian Vision
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Olmsted was an American journalist, social critic, public administrator, and most importantly founder of American landscape architecture and park designer. He conceived of public landscapes as sites for the co-mingling of classes and races. He created central park and parkways, trying to bring equal access to green space. Instead, in downtown, the comingling of different races and classes was non-existent due to the marginalizing of space. (Davis’ opinion) he says this also created racialized spaces, and criminalized racial minorities. Downtown bunker hill was part of the urban renaissance to “revive downtown” but at the same time it pushed away the “undesirable residents”
The death of the vision was seen in spatial apartheid, which attempted to segregate the races. Davis Ch. 4 Fortress LA |
