The Importance Of The Khuang In Music

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A Mizo saying, ‘khuang lova chai ang’, which translates to, ‘(this is) similar to merriment without a drum’, is used to describe an incomplete, poorly or half heartedly organised occasion (Lalpekhlua 2007: 195). Similarly, Lawmsanga (2010: 102) refers to another saying that a worship session without the presence of a khuang is ‘like food without salt’. Since its humble inception in church services in the revival of 1919, the khuang has continued to augment its necessity as the dominating factor in Mizo musicality. It has however, had its share of resistance; especially from traditionalist village chiefs who were wary of losing their subjects to Christianity (Lawmsanga 2010: 162). Kipgen (1997: 273) also considers the concern that the khuang and the beater could have inappropriate control over the church proceedings. Chapman (1968) holds the opposite view that the presence of the khuang in church was, in all its complications, a necessity since, ‘people emerging from animism needed dancing’ (1968: 117).
According to Lawmsanga (2010: 168), the khuang, which is today an indispensable component of lengkhawm, gained popularity only as late as the nineteenth century. This is the most probably the drum referred to by Kipgen (1997) as kawlkhuang which was introduced from the Chin Hills. The drum was accompanied by a large and small gong
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Culture Debate’ in chapter 1 had writers on opposite ends of the discussion. Here, we have Lawmsanga (2010) who presents both the opinions by simultaneously being constructive of the different forms of Mizo worship, and making the assumption that foreign interventions led to a loss of tradition, ‘Traditional religion was now completely abandoned. Traditional songs and dances were strongly discouraged. Therefore, all the traditional festivals where singing and dancing were performed had completely disappeared’ (2010: 97). But Lawmsanga does not take into account that hybridity is not a result of

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