Religious ecstasy is a often considered a controversial topic, even in religious circles. This paper outlines the two ritual practices, the Toronto Blessing and wajd, by which participants achieve religious ecstasy. Believers claim the Toronto Blessing outpouring of the Holy Spirit. It first occurred at the Toronto Airport Vineyard church on January 20th, 1994. Its roots lie in the Pentecostal and charismatic movements of the 20th century. Wajd is a term for a particular outcome, ecstatic trance, of the Sufi ritual sama. The ritual varies by Sufi order, but have many similarities. Although both rituals strive for religious ecstasy, their means of achieving it are different.
The meetings at the TACF commence with a period of singing and worship …show more content…
Rather the participants were in an altered state of consciousness. Participants description of this experience varied, including intoxication and sexual orgasm. The unfamiliar sensation caused some participants to break out in fits of laughter. Overall participants claimed to have experienced an increased emotional awareness, leading them towards a state of mental liberation and relief. The participants believe their physical manifestations are external signs of the Holy Spirit’s presence. They understood this through the metaphor of a siren warning "Spirit at work... Spirit at work" (Poloma, 262). This attests to the importance placed on the spirit, their physical bodies are merely …show more content…
The specific restrictions on and qualifications of participants vary throughout the tradition. Not all people qualify as having “an ear for music”, required for the experience. There is a strict prohibition of “corrupt intent, evil action, mere amusement or contravention of divine ordinances involved in listening” (177, Avery). Although the sama 's legality is a contentious matter of Islamic law, the ritual requires morality. The formal structure of recitation of the Qu’ran, before and after the sama, cultivates a meditative state.The ritual requires participants to keep a meditative state during the recitation to achieve, “presence of heart, close consideration, thought and recollection” (80, Avery). The ceremonies occur in a group with an emphasis on social rank and the relationship between a master and disciple.
The leader of the ceremony, called a shaykh, has responsibility and authority over the conduct of performance. The shaykh controls the performer’s selection of verse and manages the participant’s psychological state (190, Avery). He acts as a spiritual guide, unraveling the spiritual meaning of the texts recited during the sama. The reciter arouses and guides the listener 's progress of the altered states. The attention placed on possible mistakes the reciter might make during the performance emphasizes the relationship between the reciter and the listeners during the
The meetings at the TACF commence with a period of singing and worship …show more content…
Rather the participants were in an altered state of consciousness. Participants description of this experience varied, including intoxication and sexual orgasm. The unfamiliar sensation caused some participants to break out in fits of laughter. Overall participants claimed to have experienced an increased emotional awareness, leading them towards a state of mental liberation and relief. The participants believe their physical manifestations are external signs of the Holy Spirit’s presence. They understood this through the metaphor of a siren warning "Spirit at work... Spirit at work" (Poloma, 262). This attests to the importance placed on the spirit, their physical bodies are merely …show more content…
The specific restrictions on and qualifications of participants vary throughout the tradition. Not all people qualify as having “an ear for music”, required for the experience. There is a strict prohibition of “corrupt intent, evil action, mere amusement or contravention of divine ordinances involved in listening” (177, Avery). Although the sama 's legality is a contentious matter of Islamic law, the ritual requires morality. The formal structure of recitation of the Qu’ran, before and after the sama, cultivates a meditative state.The ritual requires participants to keep a meditative state during the recitation to achieve, “presence of heart, close consideration, thought and recollection” (80, Avery). The ceremonies occur in a group with an emphasis on social rank and the relationship between a master and disciple.
The leader of the ceremony, called a shaykh, has responsibility and authority over the conduct of performance. The shaykh controls the performer’s selection of verse and manages the participant’s psychological state (190, Avery). He acts as a spiritual guide, unraveling the spiritual meaning of the texts recited during the sama. The reciter arouses and guides the listener 's progress of the altered states. The attention placed on possible mistakes the reciter might make during the performance emphasizes the relationship between the reciter and the listeners during the