Third Space-Power and Gender Roles
In a traditional Hmong family there are very distinct gender roles. I was told by my family that it was traditional to walk behind my husband, speak when spoken too, and serve him daily meals. I do this while in their home out of respect, but not anywhere else. There are distinct gender roles in every aspect, but we will hit wedding reception, childbearing, and marriage.
During the wedding reception I experienced the males waiting on the fathers to be seated before they sit. Then the women came into the site and prepared everyone drinks. All the women except for the bride were to participate. Once everyone has a drink the women are seated, and eat alongside the guys. After the meal has been completed the …show more content…
“A lot of young women, even in mainstream society, feel that they don’t have worth if they don’t have a husband or family to call their own.” (Lee. J, p. 111). In my in-laws generation women did not get an education and were not self-sufficient. It was common for women to be forced or pushed to get married as fast as they could so that they could be provided for. Lee’s unmarried sister Pakou is 27 and not married. She owns her own real-estate agency, owns a home, and is doing well for herself. However, since she has not gotten married nor bared children she is considered a disgrace and my in-laws refuse to speak to …show more content…
(Moua, p.28) Since I am marred to a son, my children will be considered grandchildren who pass on the bloodline. “The Hmong practice of patri-lineal and patri-local residence allows the bride (s) to be accepted as a new member of her husband’s extended family and clan. In this way, the married couple’s children would be considered as full blood members of the father’s extended family, patri-lineal and clan for life. In some respects, the bride almost becomes “a new replaced sister and daughter” to the members of her husband’s extended family.” (Vang,
In a traditional Hmong family there are very distinct gender roles. I was told by my family that it was traditional to walk behind my husband, speak when spoken too, and serve him daily meals. I do this while in their home out of respect, but not anywhere else. There are distinct gender roles in every aspect, but we will hit wedding reception, childbearing, and marriage.
During the wedding reception I experienced the males waiting on the fathers to be seated before they sit. Then the women came into the site and prepared everyone drinks. All the women except for the bride were to participate. Once everyone has a drink the women are seated, and eat alongside the guys. After the meal has been completed the …show more content…
“A lot of young women, even in mainstream society, feel that they don’t have worth if they don’t have a husband or family to call their own.” (Lee. J, p. 111). In my in-laws generation women did not get an education and were not self-sufficient. It was common for women to be forced or pushed to get married as fast as they could so that they could be provided for. Lee’s unmarried sister Pakou is 27 and not married. She owns her own real-estate agency, owns a home, and is doing well for herself. However, since she has not gotten married nor bared children she is considered a disgrace and my in-laws refuse to speak to …show more content…
(Moua, p.28) Since I am marred to a son, my children will be considered grandchildren who pass on the bloodline. “The Hmong practice of patri-lineal and patri-local residence allows the bride (s) to be accepted as a new member of her husband’s extended family and clan. In this way, the married couple’s children would be considered as full blood members of the father’s extended family, patri-lineal and clan for life. In some respects, the bride almost becomes “a new replaced sister and daughter” to the members of her husband’s extended family.” (Vang,